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Michael Heap
This
paper is based on a talk given by the author at the tri-annual congress of
the European Society for Hypnosis in August 1998, The Netherlands.
It also appeared in The Skeptical Intelligencer, (Vol. 3, Issue 4,
April 2001, pp29-35). It has
been updated here.
Prologue
I
swear that I shall tell the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the
truth.
I
am going to tell you some stories about a number of events, or as I would
prefer to call them, dramas, in which I was allocated a fairly minor role.
They are all true stories, inasmuch as it is possible for any story
to be true. The first stories
are about stage hypnosis.
Hypnosis
and the Law
In
recent years I have been involved in a number of cases of alleged harm
brought against stage hypnotists. Let
me first give you some of the background.
In Britain, organisers of stage hypnosis shows in places of public
entertainment must apply for a licence from the local council.
This is enshrined in the 1952 Hypnotism Act.
The Act arose from some concern about the safety of stage hypnosis.
Here is the part of the Act that defines hypnosis.
'Hypnotism'
includes hypnotism, mesmerism and any similar act or process which
produces or is intended to produce in any person any form of induced sleep
or trance in which the susceptibility of the mind of that person to
suggestion or direction is increased or intended to be increased but does
not include hypnotism, mesmerism or any such similar act or process which
is self-induced.
Remember
that legal definitions are not the same as scientific definitions.
In
the late 1980s attempts were made to restrict the use of hypnosis to
certain professional groups but they were unsuccessful.
However, the British Home Office drew up guidelines for the conduct
of stage hypnosis to be attached to licences with a view to protecting the
participants.
Allegations
of harm due to stage hypnosis
In
1993 a young woman died during the night after taking part in a stage
hypnosis show. The verdict of
the inquest was death by natural causes.
However, the mother of the deceased understandably felt that her
having participated in stage hypnosis was a necessary element in the story
of her daughter's death. She
and others mounted a campaign to have stage hypnosis prohibited.
Eventually she was allowed leave to appeal against the coroner's
verdict. Her lawyer
constructed a story in the form of a mass of documents that they presented
to the Royal Courts. However,
the judge did not consider that the original story should be changed.
As
a result of all the publicity stimulated by the Campaign against Stage
Hypnosis other people came forward with stories about how they too had
been harmed by participating in stage hypnosis shows.
Some attracted the attention of the media and were rather bizarre,
such as the story of a man who completed and submitted a lost property
form after being told that his brain had gone missing.
Also
at that time, but independent of these proceedings, a lady successfully
sued a theatre in Glasgow after breaking her leg when she fell off the
stage during a stage hypnosis show.
Meanwhile,
a student sued a stage hypnotist when he fell over while running away from
an imaginary army of giant mice. In
his story he claimed to have a phobia of mice.
His case was unsuccessful.
I
first started to be interested in hypnosis in the late 1970s.
I soon became aware of the fact that mainstream social and
cognitive psychologists were offering more parsimonious stories than the
more traditional ones usually told by medics and lay practitioners, which
revolved around the concept of the trance state.
Notwithstanding this, the expediencies of clinical practice means
that such disagreements are usually not particularly crucial and we can
all work amicably together. However,
when I listened to my colleagues talking about the dangers of stage
hypnosis and the case for outlawing it, I was struck by the following
thought. Supposing that one
day a case was brought to court; then the two stories would be represented
on opposing sides. This is so
because, whilst social and cognitive (now called socio-cognitive) theories
do not contradict the claim that stage hypnosis can be harmful, a more
compelling case emerges when we portray the stage hypnotist as someone who
puts the participants in a state of trance.
Therefore the story of the trance would be favoured by the
claimant's lawyers, and the other story, by the defence (that is the
stage hypnotist's side). This has a certain irony: stage hypnosis attracts the
audience's fascination owing the belief that the participants are in
some special state of mind and not just acting the part.
I
did not make a record of my prediction, but let's see what has happened
since.
As
a result of the Campaign against Stage Hypnosis, at least four cases were
brought against stage hypnotists by alleged victims.
One of these never reached trial, owing to the claimant's failure
to co-operate with the defence. One
came to trial but the trial collapsed and I shall talk about this in a
moment. A third also reached
the Court and the defendant won. Again
I shall mention this in a moment. A
fourth one was bizarrely resolved in the complainant's favour.
In all cases the Statements of Claim by the claimant's side
alleged that the stage hypnotist places his participants in a state of
trance. For example, in the
first of the aforementioned cases it was averred that hypnosis 'involves
the interference with the conscious will of the subject(s)' and 'they
are induced to perform acts that would be embarrassing and/or distasteful
to them if fully conscious'.
The
case of 'Norman' versus 'Byrnes'
The
case in which I was most involved I shall call Norman versus Byrnes.
Mr. Norman's story is that on Wednesday June 30th 1993, he took
part in Mr. Byrnes's stage hypnosis show at a hotel.
At some point in the show Mr. Byrnes offered to help Mr. Norman
give up smoking. Amongst
other things, he gave him a post-hypnotic suggestion that from now on
cigarettes would taste foul. Towards
the end of the performance Mr. Byrnes suggested to his volunteers that as
they were sitting in their chairs they would feel more and more sexy.
He then hit his microphone repeatedly calling out '10 times more
sexy', '20 times more sexy'.....and so on.
Mr. Norman seemed to become carried away; he stood up and made
thrusting movements at the chair. Mr.
Byrnes then suggested to the participants that when they went to bed that
night they would feel even 50 times more sexy than they did then.
Mr.
and Mrs. Norman both confirmed that when they went to bed that night, as
soon as Mr. Norman laid down on the mattress he started shaking violently
and bouncing up and down. Mr. Norman claimed that he was having sexual intercourse with
the mattress and that indeed he did find the mattress sexually attractive.
Thus he continued simulating intercourse with the mattress and the
other contents of his bed, with the exception of his wife.
At
some point Mrs. Norman decided to have a cigarette.
When she lit it her husband immediately felt sick and ran to the
bathroom, coughing violently. After
some time, he returned and resumed his sexual activity.
Throughout the night, Mrs. Norman could only subdue him by blowing
cigarette smoke at him, whereupon he would rush to the bathroom and be
sick. They both agreed that
all this went on unceasingly from 1 a.m. to 5 a.m. after which he slept
until 10.00 a.m. and was fine that day.
For
the next three days Mr. Norman was relatively well during the day and
spent the evenings drinking at the same hotel.
However, during the nights his behaviour continued to be disturbed
and he had the same uncontrollable urge to have sexual intercourse with
his furniture and domestic appliances.
Specific articles that were allegedly the objects of his copulatory
interest included, as well as the contents of his bed, the bedroom
ceiling, an armchair, his bath, a tumble dryer (at least while it was
tumbling), various ornaments, and, in thought if not in deed, the
ambulance that came to take him away.
On
Monday, five days after her husband's stage hypnosis experience, Mrs.
Norman went to see a lawyer; on Wednesday Mr. Norman went to see his
doctor. He was prescribed
antidepressants and several days later his doctor 'performed
hypnotherapy on him to remove the post-hypnotic suggestion' and this
appeared to be successful. However,
about three weeks later he was referred to a psychiatrist, Dr. Thomas,
with 'depression and delusions' and violent behaviour.
Dr. Thomas saw Mr. Norman on October 18th.
Several days earlier, Mr. Norman had been the subject of an
exorcism in a local church. This
was conducted by his doctor. In
his report, Dr. Thomas stated that Mr Norman's exorcism was successful
and, at the time of his seeing him he had returned to normal.
In his story, Dr. Thomas ascribed Mr. Norman's problems to Mr.
Byrnes's failure to take him 'out of the hypnotic trance'.
He considered that the exorcism had been successful because 'the
counter-suggestibility of the proceedings in Church sufficed to take him
out of the hypnotic state into which he had been put on the 30th of June
1993'.
Things
appeared to go quiet, and Mr. Norman did not receive any medication or
treatment for these problems until four months later.
Here I would like to mention, without further comment, the fact that
around that time considerable media attention was being given to a number
of stories concerning the adverse effects of stage hypnosis.
From then on, for the next 3 years and more, Mr. Norman continued to
present with a bewildering array of mental symptoms variously diagnosed as
dissociative state, hypomania, hysteria, Ganser's syndrome, major
depression, post-traumatic stress disorder, paranoid psychosis and schizo-affective
disorder.
Mr.
Norman's solicitors obtained further expert witness testimony from Dr.
James, a consultant psychiatrist and former official of the British
Society of Medical and Dental Hypnosis.
Dr. James did not see Mr. Norman, or his wife, but relied on
medical reports and on witness statements by Mr. and Mrs. Norman.
Dr. James made several allegations of negligence against Mr.
Byrnes, two of which I shall describe here.
In
response to an Answerphone message from Mrs. Norman soon after the stage
hypnosis show, Mr. Byrnes telephoned Mr. Norman and reassured him in some
general way that he was no longer hypnotised and he would feel better.
Then, on July 3rd, at the suggestion of Mr Norman's family and
staff of the Accident & Emergency Department, Mr. Byrnes visited Mr
Norman at his home. He attempted to reassure him and to remove the alleged ill
effects of his stage hypnosis experience by further hypnotic suggestion.
Dr.
James's charge against Mr. Byrnes was this: he did not take enough
trouble to establish what the exact counter-suggestion should have been to
dispel the post-hypnotic suggestion under which Mr. Norman was presumed to
be behaving when copulating with his furniture and domestic appliances.
He considered that Mr. Byrnes used too 'non-specific' a kind of
suggestion.
Dr.
James also implied that because Mr. Norman did not trust Mr. Byrnes
himself, Mr. Byrnes was negligent in not summoning a person who was
trusted by Mr. Norman, such as his doctor, to attend the 'wiping out of
the suggestion ceremony'. The
assumption here is that the presence of somebody like Mr. Norman's
doctor would in some way assuage his suspicion and render the
counter-suggestion more potent. Thus
Mr. Norman would have been spared 4 years of mental illness.
When
I consider these serious allegations against Mr. Byrnes, I cannot help
hearing in my mind the music 'The Sorcerer's Apprentice'.
Dr. James casts Mr. Byrnes in the role of an inept would-be
wizard whose task, under the stern eye of a properly qualified master
wizard, is to discover the best counter-spell or incantation that would
lift the evil curse with which he had previously inadvertently bewitched
Mr. Norman.
This
case came to trial in September 1997.
I sat in Court every day (doing nothing but getting well paid for it),
but on the fifth day, long before the defence had opened its case, the
trial collapsed. Mr.
Norman's financial backer withdrew, his legal aid having already been
rescinded. The reason for the
latter was as follows: had Mr. Norman won his case, the compensation that
he would have received would have been claimed back by the state to offset
the considerable welfare and sickness benefits he had received while
indisposed. Thus he would
have been financially no better off and legal aid is not granted when such
is the case.
In
summary, my story begins in a hotel bar in a run-down seaside resort
somewhere in Wales, where people felt strangely compelled to act in absurd
ways to fulfil the roles they had been assigned.
And this is exactly how it ends four years later, in a provincial
County Court, complete with men wearing black cloaks and grey wigs.
The
case of Gates versus McKenna
The
most high profile case, which I was not directly involved in, has been
Gates versus McKenna. The defendant, Paul McKenna, is a very well known stage
hypnotist who used to have a show on television.
He was sued by Christopher Gates who claimed that after
participating in one of his shows in 1994, he developed a schizophrenic
illness. In accordance with
my prediction, in constructing their story, the claimant's side felt it
necessary to go some lengths to try to convince the judge that Mr. Gates
had been put into a state of trance by Mr. McKenna.
The mantle of the expert witness for the defence naturally fell on
Dr. Graham Wagstaff, the leading non-state theorist of hypnosis in
Britain. Mr. McKenna won the case.
At least some media reports of his performance in the witness box
were very favourable. In his
summing-up, the judge, Mr. Justice Toulson, stated this: 'By taking part
in the show the plaintiff consented to participating in what were no more
than a series of silly sketches, harmless in themselves'.
Thus
Mr. McKenna emerged as the unlikely public champion of socio-cognitive
theory in Britain. But I
should mention that a few stage hypnotists have re-discovered the original
findings of Professor T.X. Barber, replicated by social and cognitive
psychologists since, on the true role of the hypnotic induction in
enhancing suggestibility: any procedure will suffice so long as it
increases the motivation and expectations of the participant. So if the local authority refuses to grant licences for stage
hypnosis, then stage hypnotists can still do their show but without using
hypnosis.
The
Home Office Panel of Experts
Before
either of these cases reached court, the British Home Office had already
set up a Panel of Experts to study evidence for the alleged dangers of
stage hypnosis. The members
of this group were two psychologists and two psychiatrists who had no
particular expertise in hypnosis and therefore no prejudices either way.
Evidence was invited from anyone with an interest in the debate.
The report and recommendations of this panel were announced in
October 1995. It concluded
that stage hypnosis does not pose a significant mental health risk that
would warrant its prohibition. I
did not say to my colleagues at that time 'I told you so'.
But I could have done.
After
consulting a wide range of people, the Panel brought out a revised set of
Model Conditions for the conduct of stage hypnosis.
Claims
of assault during hypnosis
The
cases that I have so far talked about have been civil actions.
I have been involved in a number of criminal cases concerning
stories of assaults during hypnosis.
This is one such case. The
complainant was a woman who invited a lay hypnotist, a man with no
qualifications at all, into her bedroom. She lay on the bed and, with just
a candle for illumination, he hypnotised her to stop smoking.
The allegation was that during these proceedings he indecently
assaulted her.
What
story do we tell that helps us explain the following anomalies: she knew
what was going on and was repulsed by what the hypnotist was doing; she
felt paralysed and could not stop him, either physically or verbally, yet
she was able to check the more advanced probing of his hands by tightly
squeezing her thighs together; she was not responding to his suggestions
to relax or to forget what was happening; she responded to his instruction
that once it was all over she would give him a kiss on his cheek; she was
unable to re-join her husband downstairs afterwards, but could only give
vent to her distress once she had fled to her neighbour's house.
One
story requires us to consider the subtle interplay of a range of
influences that are part of the study of human psychology.
But such a story may leave some people feeling dissatisfied and
needing something a bit more special.
Thus we can engage in the tautological exercise of inventing
something called a hypnotic trance and conveniently endowing it with all
the properties necessary to explain whatever we find incongruous or
puzzling.
The
story that this woman was hypnotised would, I dare say, be the one she and
her husband preferred as they struggled to make sense of it all; and it
was certainly the explanation preferred by the newspapers.
I did not attend the trial but I read the newspaper account in
which the judge, while sentencing the culprit, was quoted as saying that
he was 'dangerously good at hypnosis'.
Criminal
cases are different from civil cases as far as the submission of expert
evidence is concerned. In
Britain, as in some other countries, criminal cases are argued in court on
extreme adversarial lines. That
is, experts are summoned by both sides and, unless the testimony happens
to be favourable to his or her client, the role of the opposing barrister
is to discredit the evidence of the other side by foul means or fair.
Such has been the case for civil actions until some very recent
reforms in which the sides are urged to have one agreed expert.
(Goodness knows what will happen next time there is one involving
hypnosis.) In the case of
civil actions the expert witness is able to prepare a lengthy report that
the judge will study in order to arrive at a decision.
With criminal cases the jury does not see the expert witness's
report, but they listen to his or her evidence from the witness box.
Hence it is in the interests of the side the expert witness is
representing that the evidence is kept fairly simple - at least not
unnecessarily complicated.
In
one case, a gynaecologist of some eminence had over a dozen charges of
indecent assault and one of rape brought against him by some of his female
patients. He was using
hypnosis with them, sometimes during internal examinations, without the
presence of a third person. I
was instructed by the defence to provide two reports. In my first report I was asked to answer a long series of
questions such as 'What is the nature of hypnosis?', 'What are
commonly used induction procedures?' 'How does hypnosis differ from
relaxation?', 'Do subjects of hypnosis lose their will power?' and
'How is memory affected by hypnosis?'
In the second report I was asked to consider each complainant's
charge in turn and discuss what might have happened if the charge were
false. Naturally my two
reports were of considerable length and complexity.
After
submitting them I was invited to a conference of the defence lawyers and
their client. This was in an historic part of London known as Temple where
lawyers have plied their trade for centuries.
We all sat round a table on which I could see my two reports -
monuments of learned knowledge and meticulous scholarship.
'We
shan't be using these', the barrister said, nodding towards my
masterpieces. Summoning all
my assertive skills I looked him in the eye and said 'OK, fine.'
However, I agreed to look at a summary they had made of my first report
and, after I had made some minor corrections, it was disclosed to the
prosecution. I was also asked
to attend some of the trial to give advice to the defence and possibly to
appear in the witness box.
During
the 3 days that I attended the trial I was virtually ignored (but again well-paid)
and at
the end of the third day, the prosecution case having been completed, I
was told by the defence barrister that I was surplus to requirements.
What he actually said was, 'Well, unless something goes horribly
wrong we won't be calling you'. In fact the only witness he did call
was the defendant himself. What
seemed to be happening was this. In
his cross-examination of the complainants, the defence lawyer put great
emphasis on the fact that the assaults in question happened many years ago
and their memory was now likely to be very unreliable.
Indeed their memories did at times prove to be inconsistent with
such recorded facts as their hospital attendances and treatment.
The expert witness brought by the prosecution was a lay
hypnotherapist who was coaxed by the defending barrister into saying that
people's memory for things that happen during hypnosis is poor and
people can have false memories for what happens during hypnosis.
This is all the defence needed and the jury were spared any further
instruction on the factual details of hypnosis.
But
it was all to no avail: the defendant was found guilty on eight counts of
indecent assault, though on the charge of rape he was pronounced not
guilty. He received a
sentence of six years imprisonment, a severe punishment.
This
obstetrician was more recently tried for another charge of rape, again
allegedly committed many years previously.
One story of how the matter came to light was that he asked the
husband of one of his ex-patients to do some building repairs to his
house. While the man was
there he was amazed at the resemblance between his own daughter and the
doctor's. DNA tests
eventually confirmed that the doctor was indeed the real father of this
man's daughter (and, moreover, had delivered her). The wife
claimed no recollection of having had intercourse with the doctor, and as
he used hypnosis (actually relaxation) one story was that he had raped her
under hypnosis and suggested that she would have no memory of this. He initially denied any impropriety but then claimed that he
and the woman had had 'sex games' but she had kept her panties on.
(The doctor was a leading expert on infertility treatment.)
When the 'not guilty' verdict was announced, he went down on
his knees and thanked his God. But
he would have done better to have thanked the British Criminal Justice
System, which forbad disclosure to the jury of all his previous
convictions. Indeed it has
since been revealed that the complainant was told by her lawyer to make up
the story that the discovery of the identity of her child's father was
triggered when her husband visited the doctor's home.
This was because she was not allowed to disclose to the Court the
real trigger, namely that she learnt of his case in the newspapers and on
television, but it was too late for her complaint to be included in the
first trial.
When
giving evidence in court we swear to tell the truth, the whole truth and
nothing but the truth. Now in real life people obviously tell lies and in some of my
stories some people have certainly lied.
But can the truth, the whole truth, ever be told?
Instead, do we not tell stories that are, to a greater or lesser
extent, only based on real events?
Stories
about stories, and stories about stories about stories, and so on.
Let us not forget also the stories that we tell ourselves in order
to make acceptable sense of our lives and our world.
Our capacity to tell the truth is inevitably constrained, not just
by our knowledge, memory and language, but by the scripts or templates
that are available to us and that suit our purpose.
And this is also the case with the listeners who, even as we speak,
are constructing their own version of our story.
I
am telling you my stories with certain themes in mind that suit my own
selfish purposes: the tale of the prophet, unheeded in his own
country; the humble scholar, clinging to the rock of unassuming truth...and so
on.
Not
the story of Snow White
Now
for someone else's story, one that I find very interesting.
It is told by Dr. Kleinhauz and Dr. Beran in the International
Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis in 1981.
It concerns a teenager who was admitted to hospital after
participating in a stage hypnosis show.
She had fallen into a deep stupor and could not be roused.
Neurological and other medical investigations were negative,
whereupon a number of psychiatric diagnoses were made without reference to
her stage hypnosis experience. She
was like this for 6 days and the staff were beginning to grow weary of
her. She was then seen by the
main author, a psychiatrist and expert in hypnosis, whose story was that
she was in a pathological post-hypnotic state.
He then began the gradual process of establishing rapport and
dehypnotising her. After 4 hours the patient recovered. She
then underwent several months of psychotherapy.
Follow-up over the years disclosed that she was reintegrated into
the community and was preparing for marriage.
This story was instrumental in assisting the banning of stage
hypnosis in Israel.
No
disrespect, no criticism of any kind, and no trivialising of these events
are intended now, but may I be permitted to be just a little provocative?
We can all recognise this as a traditional story about good
triumphing over evil. There
is the villain who, incompetently and uncaringly humiliates the
young girl, the victim, causing her to fall into a deep stupor.
When everything and everyone else has given up on her, comes the
hero who restores her with his great wisdom, skill and kindliness.
She lives happily ever after.
There is a moral to this story and the wicked villain and
his kind are banished from the land.
Now,
as in many good stories, towards the end of the tale, when everything
seems to be going well, and the young lady has not seen her therapist for
some months, there is a crisis. She
is suddenly back in hospital, once more in a deep stupor.
Has she fallen foul of a stage hypnotist again?
No. There is no
obvious villain this time. How
then is the story to be resolved? Is
the theme of good triumphing over evil to be rescued?
Yes. This girl is
engaging in manipulation. This
time her state of entrancement is self-induced in order to control and
punish her therapist for what she sees as his rejection of her; thus she attempts
to regain his special attention.
All turns out well again but clearly this is not the story of Snow
White. And clearly, while the
moral of the tale requires villains, victims and heroes, heroines are
dispensable.
Another
modern day story of witchcraft and wizardry
Now
another of my own stories. Mr. Jones is a teacher at a residential school.
In 1997 he was visited by the police and advised that they were
investigating allegations of sexual abuse. These had been made by two
young men who had been pupils at the school some years previously. It
appears that at least one of the complainants had a grudge against Mr.
Jones. It was alleged that Mr. Jones was known to have practised
witchcraft in the past and on a number of occasions he had, unbeknownst to
them, bewitched the complainants when they were young boys and cast magic
spells upon them. One magic spell had made them believe that they were
homosexual and that homosexual activity was normal behaviour. Another
magic spell was that they believed that they had been rendered invisible.
In this way Mr. Jones was able to persuade them to take off their clothes
while he photographed them in the nude.
The
last time I spoke to Mr. Jones he had yet to be charged with anything, but
he was still suspended from his job as a teacher. He was by then
out-of-pocket by 10,000 pounds because of lost income and fees for legal
proceedings.
How
is it that, as we approach the 21st century, our law enforcement agencies
could accept such a story? I have changed some key words. For
'witchcraft' read 'hypnotism'; for 'bewitched' read 'put
into a trance'; and for 'magic spell', read 'hypnotic suggestion'.
Epilogue
What
lessons may we draw from all of this?
I suppose it depends on the way the stories are told.
My way of telling them suggests this.
We may not be able to tell the truth, but some stories may be more
truthful accounts than others. That
is, the ideas we have, the language that we use, and the stories that we
tell can be governed by and be accountable to agreed rules of logic that
are applied to shared observations. This
is the way of science, but it is also the way we regularly think and
communicate effectively in everyday life. And
science has the capacity to correct and improve the stories that it tells.
Now,
there are certain ideas that are so overvalued and endowed with such
authority, that, particularly when they are undisciplined and ungoverned
by such rules, they may be put to whatever purpose the user wishes.
Such concepts include hypnosis and the hypnotic trance, the
unconscious mind and, more recently, ego states and the right brain.
In this way, the stories that they are allowed to tell quickly run
to absurdity, occasionally in exponential fashion.
Thus we have the false memory disaster, the ritual Satanic abuse
conspiracy, mass abductions by extra-terrestrial beings, and the epidemic
of multiple personality disorder, something to which, mercifully, British
people have shown a commendable immunity, popular preference running
heavily in favour of possessing just one personality at the very most. But
all that is another story.
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